53 As Giannachi notes, “whereas hackers work in disguise, hacktivists tend to act in character,” their primary action becomes “the propagation of an idea through a performative process” (2007: 13). An essential part of this performance process is staged through media exposure, which acts as the main site of appearance and dissemination. As Giannachi suggests, twenty-first-century protest operates as “a spectacle of and about information,” making visibility and distribution fundamental to political action (2007: 32). While the internet, in theory, enables the mass circulation of information at the touch of one’s fingertips, late-stage capitalism simultaneously commodifies that information. It determines who has access to it (Foster & McChesney: 2011). Thus, the struggle for visibility also becomes a power struggle. Digital platforms function as performance spaces in which hacktivist intentions can be shown (Stracey 2014). Within this dramaturgy, hacktivists cast themselves as performers, with big corporations and governments as the antagonists. Simultaneously, the public’s attention becomes commodified as a highly valued resource, with hacktivists competing with corporate and state actors who carefully stage their own legitimacy. As such, media consumption can never be passive and is instead embedded in highly tangible realities. Within this context, political power functions by controlling and shaping both media and the dialogue surrounding it; consequently, hacktivism must disrupt dominant capital’s distribution and circulation of meaning (Giannachi 2007). To do this, hacktivists must construct disruptive situations that fracture passive consumption, forcing active engagement and encouraging the public to become co-performers by sharing and amplifying their actions. However, these disruptive interventions also expose capitalism’s recuperative tendency, that is, its ability to absorb ‘radical acts’ and creatively turn them into a consumable “novelty” (Crary 2004: 463). Thus, hacktivism reveals the contradictory nature of capitalism as a system reliant on technological innovation while containing its transformative capacity. Hacktivism, therefore, acts as a digital stage to produce performances that play out against the scripted normality of global capitalism and its illusion of stability. Hacktivism’s intervention into the performance of global capitalism is enacted through specific aesthetic strategies. Central to these strategies is the Situationist practice of détournement, that is, the reworking of existing images and media to subvert their meanings and “claim ownership” (Belic 2017). This process manifests in modern hacktivist practices through website defacements and the editing of contexts and captions to reprogram dominant images and turn corporate messaging against itself. These forms of “electronic détournements” (Stracey 2014: 126) become an essential activist weapon in our increasingly mediated reality, in which even the “empirical existence of facts themselves [are]... already a mediated existence” while being filtered and constructed for the benefit of dominant power structures (Viénet & McDonough 2004: 185). The development of social media increasingly intensifies this dynamic, serving as automated
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